NEW NATIONAL CURRICULUM FRAMEWORK. (Part I)

NEW NATIONAL CURRICULUM FRAMEWORK. (Part I)
Mg. Juan Esteban Yupanqui Villalobos.

 
It is subtitled as proposed dialogue, yet alone, it is part of the educational employer that is established directly as a dictatorship, which says the ministerial dictatorship, which makes following the proposals of the World Bank and international global fund. We say it's the second version, but that is the first known published on its website, the ministry of education; formed now a director at the World Bank. In a dialogue, face your face is directly not indirectly, but the presentation of the proposals is live for discussion; but among those? Expected to be among those directly involved in public and private educational activities. But we see that it is not, rather it is trying its oldest and impose their political way, as was the general education law, the law of teacher development and ultimately its new university law. In all been ideologically tax proposal, which have same ideological economic dimension, with a logic that tried to convince the masses, on the idealization of his proposal. The model, the proposed paradigm emerges from the market, the free market. We therefore first example in the liberalization of the education market, held in the Fujimori dictatorship. What were the consequences? Here we see, in any sty, could be the sign of college. In it gorged on as customers continue to call anyone and improvise as teachers with no academic background; the important thing was to win and win, capitalize much again. The same happened and is happening with the basic school, where educational excellence, was presented to all students and teachers as stick a mannequin factory. Some parents were thrilled to see their uniformed children with brighter colors, it looked nice OFFICIALLY a teacher, but ideas, and finally with nothing in his head, knew just say chi or chi chenoya Cheno. Some national schools, have the same dimension. Where the director has become a vigilante fascist stooge.
Promotes dialogue between those who will be affected by the proposals, it is they who have to germinate the new frames as they will unfold. Do not enter the temporary administrators of education. And yet, if they come with an ideological slogan, whose prop confirming the economic system and political dominance over the entire national territory. For there is no neutral between this ideological framework we try to elucidate, if managers are not neutral and try to impose their ideological framework in which they are formed, so their haste in trying to impose, of course helped by the famous educational gurus which are none other than ideological appendages themselves.

 
Santiago de Chuco - 02/08/2014.
 http://juanestebanyupanqui.blogspot.com/2014/08/nuevo-marco-curricular-nacionalparte-i.html

NEW SLAVERY

NEW SLAVERY.

In modern society, so they called this stage of history that has dominion capitalism in its imperialist stage, exactly as it was designated by and interpreted Karl Marx. Although the early years of the new millennium to call Neoliberal Hegemony more recently reinforced during the global crisis being experienced today capitalism and rants idea that conventional neoliberal stances prevailing during the last decades of the century certainly have been discredited past - thankfully not from abstract theory but from the concrete realities - neoliberalism continues its course looking to consolidate 'new' referents at any time without overreaching its fundamental ideological identity. The current critical juncture has led not only the reemergence of discursivities (some of them) but also innovative and alternative reconfiguration within neoliberalism - generally unnoticed - but that has been developing through the restructuring of the hegemony of the neoliberal project (its ideology and practices) with the medley of orthodox positions, the vast majority of leséferista inspiration (laissez-faire, laissez-passer, "let do, let go") activated the renewal of neoliberal ideas from other perspectives but also heterodox neoliberal . This path would allow the reconstruction of neoliberal capitalism in order to face the vicissitudes posed by new times and to which the Orthodox extremism no longer seems to offer viable answers, especially from the point of political and economic terms.On the one hand, and from a long memory approach, neoliberalism is not only the last stage of historical capitalism now known, chronologically speaking. The expansion of markets, known as "globalization", illustrate the spatial-temporal dimension of this point and fits very well to what Harvey updates from the "old" but still valid proposition of Lenin, as a new imperialism. Also happens to be the upper phase of the system in a qualitative sense. Neoliberalism is the stage where the most pronounced exacerbation of logic and contradictions inherent in reproduction and ceaseless accumulation of capital is verified. The economic exploitation, political domination, social oppression and ideological alienation at all levels and dimensions that characterize - in the words of Wallerstein - the capitalist world-economy, are today and while its zenith and sunset. The colloquial name that he has been granted neoliberalism as "savage capitalism" is as consistent as descriptive for the progressive commodification of human life but substantially in the dehumanization of man (in the generic sense) within capitalism. Savagery is proposed as the most distinctive mark of the current neoliberal phase.The implications arising from the current crisis of capitalism are radically expressive of the era of civilization crisis that embodies neoliberalism. Do not forget either that the way they tried to circumvent the increasing contradictions and sudden crisis in postwar capitalism, particularly depletion of the welfare state and the model of Fordist accumulation on a global level (mainly in the central countries but always correlation capitalist peripheries) was articulated under the neoliberal counterrevolution.?For some time, is too common mistake uniquely associate neoliberalism with the policies established by the Consensus, as if the mere technocratic neoliberalism event purely "economic" (or better: economist) order was limited. This idea is quite widespread among supporters and opponents of neoliberalism assumptions while not completely wrong - while Consensus is one of the historic possible translations of the neoliberal project - itself is highly suspicious because it is seen as one of the arguments used by excellence and - lightly - in emerging discussions to imply a non-existent now "post-neoliberal" era. Neoliberalism to meet a policy agenda, hidden or at best minimize, their socio-political meaning. Neoliberalism must be analyzed from a strategic point of view and, of course, also tactical.Neoliberalism involves, above all, a (capitalist) economic-political class project which has been expressed through an accumulation strategy (common and colonially called "Development"). Only later neoliberalism is embodied in policy programs, as evidenced by the Washington Consensus and its variants, which precisely represent their tactical dimension. The neoliberal strategy, unlike the previous model, is based on specifically on the subject and absolute subordination to the market (private sector, in the real world, it is always asymmetric) as the device of social production and reproduction at large. Under this impression the wide range of (economic, social, etc..) Public policies are derived.Under neoliberalism that aura highest stage of capitalism, has had as its main task to go on to violate the rights of workers and subjecting them to a new status that is equal to the Stadium of slavery. This because of the infinite accumulation results in the cyclical crises of capitalism, so all it does is make the capitalist system to drop all the weight of the crisis on the backs of the workers, the other aspect is the increasing mechanization services and large areas of production, which makes it precarious employment, with the only myth to increase the profitability of big business, as we can see in the table below employment in freedom has decreased dramatically in a decade :

indicator	2010	2011	2012	2013	variation
Formal employment	12,7%	2,9%	2,5,%	1,2%	10%
Tax collection	20,9%	16,6%	16,7	1,3	5%

Source: College of Economists of Liberty.

According to the Fordist mentality of our financial bourgeois class, is to seek to use less labor, if it is rated much lower in that order also to avoid the payment of taxation. Now with the euphemism works investment. As mining is doing. Whereupon he is avoiding paying what little he did, As its contribution to the general budget of the republic is minimal, as in creating jobs in our nation. Thus of the mythical mining boom tax is nothing more than a fallacy to mask sustained predation, plunder our mineral resources with the usual treason by successive governments in recent decades?which have had to govern and further supported by a legally spurious to be enacted by a Peruvian citizen who is not subject to birth and constitution of a foreign nation. This is what mining contributes to the budget through the mining rent:

Years	Mining taxation	budget	Participation in the national budget
2001	155.400	38.678.570	0,40 %
2002	288.240	38.429.571	0,75 %
2003	394.560	48.855.902	0,81 %
2004	703.560	49.798.355	1,41 %
2005	1.545.840	51.883.011	2,98 %
2006	5.201.640	60.799.706	8,56 %
2007	7.726.680	67.305.978	11,47 %
2008	7.266.720	72.287.993	10,05 %
2009	3.131.400	96.312.283	3,25 %
2010	5.797.560	116.047.235	4,99 %
Average of the decade			4,47   Source: Research PhD econ, José Sosa 2014.

Minera San Cristobal 1928, Peru

Minera en Tres Rios, Norte Andino, Peru 2008